By Lenser Loise For over one year, from June 2025 to June 2026, a team of women journalists across Africa documented online gender-based violence targeting women in the media. Their work revealed recurring patterns of harassment, intimidation, repeated attacks and the long fight for accountability. I was part of a selected team of female journalists from the International Association of Women in Radio and Television (IAWRT) Kenya Chapter, working alongside colleagues from several other African countries conducting the mapping. To ensure all the regions in Africa were covered, we divided ourselves into four crosses (East, West, North and South). My role involved tracking cases, verifying information, checking in on victims and monitoring what happened after incidents were reported in the 17 western African countries. In situations where the online available information was not sufficient, I did a one-on-one follow-up, conducting over-the-phone interviews to verify developing cases. I consistently monitored different social media platforms (Facebook, Twitter and Instagram), taking screenshots of incidents, following up on reports and developments around cases that had already been mapped. There was always a sense that I might miss something: a post could appear at any time, a journalist could suddenly become the target of an online attack, or an incident that began online could quickly turn physical. For the better part of a year, I kept watching, checking, verifying, following up and documenting. Looking back at the cases I encountered, several patterns began to emerge. Elections Intensify Online Attacks Against Women Journalists One of the clearest trends I observed was the link between elections and increased attacks against women in the media. Whenever an election took place in an African country during our monitoring period, cases of targeted online and sometimes physical violence against women journalists and media workers were difficult to miss. The political environment appeared to create an especially hostile space for female journalists and content creators. Freelance journalists and independent content creators appeared particularly vulnerable because they often lacked the institutional protection available to those working for larger media organisations. In some cases, the consequences were devastating, including incidents that ended in death, with one record being Mariam Cissé, a TikTok content creator who was killed in Mali after sharing her political views on her page with about 100,000 followers: Women Behind the Camera Face Risks Too Another trend that stood out was that OGBV did not only affect women in front of the camera. Women working behind the scenes were also exposed to significant risks. Camera operators, photographers, producers and other media workers could find themselves directly caught up in political confrontations and attacks. The entire media production chain is exposed For Some Women, the Attacks Keep Returning Another pattern that became increasingly visible was the recurrence of attacks. Being targeted once did not always mean the harassment would end. I observed several instances where women journalists were targeted repeatedly, sometimes months or even years after the original incident. One case that stood out was that of Nigerian journalist Taiwo Aina Adeokun, who, according to details captured during the mapping exercise, had to lock her social media accounts after repeated attacks following her report on the New York Times Post: X Screengrab: One of the online narratives that pushed Taiwo to lock her X account on January 19, 2026. Our mapping showed that the risk does not always disappear. For some women, the internet remembers, and harassment can return whenever a new event brings their name or previous work back into public attention. Justice Can Be Slow, but Progress Is Possible When I began the mapping exercise, many of the cases we encountered appeared to be stuck. There were complaints with no visible progress, slow-moving investigations and victims who had been waiting for justice for long periods. Toward the end of our monitoring period, however, I began to see movement in some cases. In others, international organisations continued to raise concern, including the Committee to Protect Journalists, which urged the release of Tunisian journalist Chadha Hadj Mbarek over health concerns. Those developments mattered to us as a team. For months, I had been watching these cases, following updates and checking whether anything had changed. Seeing a case move forward was more than another database update; it was a reminder that persistence can matter. How X Became a Key Monitoring Tool Throughout the mapping exercise, X played an important role in helping me identify and monitor cases. As a platform built around real-time public conversation, it allowed us to see some incidents as they unfolded, but verification of sources was still mandatory. Citizens could report incidents from different parts of Africa, sometimes before those incidents appeared in mainstream media. In some instances, I identified and verified cases before they gained wider public attention. This made the platform particularly useful for my work. It allowed me to monitor conversations across countries without physically travelling to each location. For a team working across different parts of Africa, that access was invaluable. During quieter news periods, the number of cases we encountered generally reduced. But for journalists like me, this was an important distinction: a quiet news cycle does not necessarily mean women journalists are safe. It means monitoring must remain intentional. Report a case today on IAWRT’s observatory via report.iawrt.or.ke. Loise Lenser is a freelance journalist who supports organisations to tell stories that highlight their work, impact, and the voices of the communities they serve.
Media Observatory – Challenges And Prospects
By William Okech, OGW. The International Association of Women in Radio and Television (IAWRT Kenya Chapter) launched an Africa-wide digital Observatory for Monitoring and Reporting on Safety of Journalists, focused on tracking online and offline gender-based threats against female journalists. For an end-to-end response, it also partnered with UNESCO and the Pan African Lawyers Union, which has mobilized a network of media lawyers across the region to identify, review and file strategic litigation against identified cases. As lawyers’ documentation is the core foundation of our work, cases are won or lost based on documentation relevant to their prosecution. The phrase “if it wasn’t recorded, it didn’t happen” means that without a written or digital record, an action legally or professionally has no proof. Documentation creates clear facts, protects client rights, serves as a sensitisation tool, preserves evidence and identifies the parties responsible for breach of legal duties, requiring action to comply with the law. The Observatory meets this criterion and has been an essential tool for lawyers however; challenges remain that limit the capacity of lawyers to effectively mount legal suits. First is the lack of awareness of this tool amongst female journalists, resulting in incidents not being reported. Secondly, of the reported cases that deserve litigation, female journalists have expressed reluctance to be a party in any litigation or give express consent for litigation due to subtle coercion, intimidation, and discouragement from their own employers. A gross act of impunity by employers. Perpetrators of harmful actions against journalists are well-known actors of impunity. However, a more vicious and lethal enemy within are those around the perceived safe spaces, such as employers, yet they are the worst obstacles for female journalists to access justice as a constitutional right. As human rights defenders call out actors of impunity, there has to be a renewed call to all women journalists to speak truth to power and push back against employers whose only interest is brand reputation at the expense of individual civic rights. Lastly, it is now paramount that media lawyers should innovate and employ a range of strategies in addressing impunity, including strategic public interest suits that challenge outdated repressive policies, initiate review of anti-media laws, and refocus debate on addressing threats or harassment against journalists in order to promote press freedom across Africa. Mr. William Okech, OGW is the Chairperson Emeritus of the Media Complaints Commission and a legal policy practitioner. He currently coordinates journalists’ safety initiatives at the African Media Lawyers Network Kenya.
My Journey to the Hubert H. Humphrey Fellowship
By Stephanie Ayieta It has all led to this. The Fulbright Hubert H. Humphrey Fellow standing here today is the product of passion, faith, intentional mentorship, resilience, and a vision that ultimately gave birth to a leader. Photo: From Left: Nozipho (Eswatini), Vuk (Montenegro), Agnes (Hungary), Kabo (Botswana), Hamza (Morocco), Stephanie (Kenya), Sabikha (Bahrain), Sakeef (Sri Lanka), Junbeom (South Korea), Rosen (Bulgaria). Driven by Purpose over Visibility My story began as an 18-year-old girl with a strong conviction to become a journalist. I had no clear roadmap—only an unexplainable passion and the determination to keep moving forward despite fear and self-doubt. For me, journalism was never about being on screen or acquiring popularity. It was always about impact. I constantly asked myself: What can I do, in my position, with my skills and talent, to create lasting solutions? Discovering Technology and Policy In my quest for an answer, I fell in love with tech reporting. I focused on young innovators and entrepreneurs driving change across the country, highlighting how technology is revolutionizing our world and unlocking new opportunities. Through the guidance of incredible mentors, I grew from an emerging reporter who doubted her ability to cover complex topics into a recognized voice in the tech ecosystem. More importantly, this platform allowed me to shine a light on economic innovations, participate in policy discussions driving reform in the tech space, and mentor emerging journalists in ethical, purpose-driven reporting. The Power of Mentorship I owe much of this growth to the leaders who poured into my career: IAWRT Kenya Chapter: Through the digital skills training and exposure to Community Network podcasting in partnership with Tandanet, IAWRT sharpened my technical expertise and deepened my confidence. As one university lecturer noted during a joint mentorship program, “IAWRT Kenya may not be loud, but its impact on female professionals is priceless.” Rachel Nakitare: Former President of the International Association of Women in Radio and Television (IAWRT) and a Hubert Humphrey alumnus, whose advice, direction, and constant encouragement have been instrumental. Fredrick Ariro: TV Controller at KBC and my supervisor, who demonstrated the transformative power of servant leadership through daily observation and guidance. Living Effectively Mentorship Program (LEMP): My service and volunteering with LEMP helped shape my leadership capabilities, reinforcing my belief that in genuinely pouring out to others, blessings follow. Photo: Stephanie and colleagues in Arizona. A Strong Support System Behind every milestone is my family. They have been my cheerleaders, sounding board, and ultimate support system. Having people who believe in your potential—even when you struggle to see it yourself—is truly invaluable. None of this would be possible without my home at the Kenya Broadcasting Corporation. As Kenya’s public broadcaster, KBC is the voice of the Nation that connects millions of Kenyans through compelling stories that inform, educate and unites them. Being part of that mission has given me the platform to connect with Kenyans, and serve them with purpose. Representing Kenya on the Global Stage. This fellowship began as a leap of faith, driven by a desire to do more for my country. I am deeply honored to be selected as one of two fellows representing Kenya, and the sole representative for our nation’s journalism and communications sector. As I join global cohorts from Bahrain, Botswana, Bulgaria, Burundi, Eswatini, Hungary, Montenegro, Saudi Arabia, and beyond, I look forward to collaborating on international solutions and bringing that knowledge back home. Stephanie Ayieta is a multimedia journalist and TV host at the Kenya Broadcasting Corporation, where she leads Take on Tech, a show spotlighting African innovators and emerging technologies. Over five years, she has profiled more than 30 startups, giving them a national platform and helping them reach new audiences and investors. She also hosts a youth morning show on Y254, engaging listeners on issues shaping Kenyan society. Passionate about entrepreneurship and innovation, she champions media and technology partnerships that bridge the digital divide and strengthen Africa’s creative economy.Stephanie is currently a Hubert H. Humphrey Fellow at Arizona State University’s Walter Cronkite School of Journalism and Mass Communication, where she is deepening her expertise in media innovation, digital storytelling, and emerging technologies. During her fellowship, she is exploring how media and technology can equip young Kenyans with practical skills, connect them to opportunities in the digital economy, and strengthen their resilience against misinformation.Her vision is for empowered Kenyan youth to drive the country’s digital future.
Beyond the Byline: IAWRT’s Work in Tracking Violence Against Female Journalists and Demanding Accountability
By Raylenne Kambua Across Africa, women journalists are increasingly subjected to online and offline gender-based violence (O/GBV) and related violations in the course of their work. Patterns of abuse range from sexist insults and disinformation campaigns to arbitrary arrests and threats of sexual and physical harm. Such attacks form part of a broader effort to silence women in the media, particularly those reporting on politics, governance, and conflict. Recent cases illustrate the growing scale of this threat. In Central Africa, particularly in countries such as Cameroon, journalists such as Mimi Mefo have faced waves of online harassment following political commentary, with attacks often targeting their gender and credibility rather than the substance of their reporting. In Congo-Brazzaville, journalist Rosie Pioth was forced into hiding after receiving death threats linked to her investigative work. These incidents reflect a broader regional pattern in which women journalists are targeted not only for what they report, but also because they are women operating in public spaces. Data generated through an observatory established by the International Association of Women in Radio and Television (IAWRT) underscores the scale of the problem. According to the observatory’s findings, 73% of women journalists in Africa have experienced online harassment, 25% have faced physical threats, and 18% have endured sexual violence. These figures highlight the severity of O/GBV and its effects on journalistic practice. Particularly concerning is the growing link between online abuse and real-world harm. A global survey conducted by UNESCO found that as many as 42% of women journalists had experienced offline attacks linked to online violence, underscoring the dangerous continuum between digital and physical spaces. The nature of these attacks is often deeply gendered. Women journalists are subjected to sexist insults, sexualised threats, and coordinated trolling campaigns designed to discredit and silence them. Research by Media Defence indicates that political actors are among the principal drivers or amplifiers of online attacks, especially during election periods. In many cases, such harassment is strategic, aimed at discouraging women from participating in public discourse and weakening independent journalism. In response to this growing crisis, IAWRT has emerged as a key institutional actor. Through its partnership with UNESCO’s International Programme for the Development of Communication (IPDC), the organisation has developed an Africa-wide observatory to monitor and document violations against women journalists. The platform serves as a centralised hub for reporting incidents in real time, mapping their geographic spread, and categorising different forms of abuse, from online harassment to physical violence. Importantly, this initiative extends beyond documentation. The observatory is intended to strengthen accountability by linking reported cases to legal and institutional responses, including collaboration with law enforcement agencies and legal experts. In this way, cases are not merely recorded but may also be pursued through formal legal channels, thereby contributing to efforts to address the persistent problem of impunity. Impunity persists because legal and institutional responses to violence against women journalists are often weak, inconsistent, or absent altogether. Although regional and national frameworks such as the Maputo Protocol, African Union human rights standards, and constitutional protections for freedom of expression provide a basis for redress, enforcement remains uneven in practice. Many cases of online and offline abuse go unreported or are not properly investigated, while perpetrators are rarely identified or sanctioned. This accountability gap not only emboldens further attacks but also deepens self-censorship among women journalists, particularly those covering politics, corruption, and other high-risk issues. Advocacy efforts are also critical to addressing O/GBV. Campaigns such as the 16 Days of Activism Against Gender-Based Violence play an important role in raising awareness of the risks faced by women journalists and in amplifying calls for protection. Such initiatives highlight the link between gender-based violence and freedom of expression, recognising journalists as both reporters on violence and victims of it. At the national level, collaborative initiatives are emerging to address these challenges. The Kenya Media Sector Working Group, of which IAWRT is a member, has been actively advocating for an end to violence against journalists, including women journalists. These efforts emphasise the need for gender-sensitive policies, stronger legal protections, and improved safety mechanisms within the media sector. Despite these initiatives, significant challenges persist. The rapid expansion of digital platforms has created new avenues for abuse, while regulatory frameworks continue to struggle to keep pace. Digital platforms may also enable abuse through weak content moderation, ineffective reporting mechanisms, algorithmic amplification of harmful content, and delayed responses to targeted harassment. The experiences of journalists such as Cameroonian Mimi Mefo and Kenya’s Yvonne Okwara demonstrate how online platforms can become sites of coordinated gendered abuse, particularly after politically sensitive reporting or interviews. At the same time, cultural and societal norms often discourage women from reporting harassment, resulting in significant underreporting. As IAWRT notes, many women journalists remain silent because of fear, limited legal support, or social stigma. Addressing O/GBV against women journalists in Africa therefore requires a comprehensive approach. This includes strengthening legal frameworks, improving platform accountability, enhancing digital safety training, and building solidarity networks among journalists. It also requires recognising online violence as a serious threat not only to individual safety but also to media freedom and democratic participation, insofar as it limits the diversity of voices in public discourse and constrains investigative reporting, source protection, and editorial independence. IAWRT continues to document and respond to violations against women journalists through its observatory, ensuring that incidents of harassment are systematically recorded. Beyond mapping these cases, it is strengthening legal follow-up by working with partners to pursue accountability and justice for affected journalists. More broadly, the persistence of threats, harassment, intimidation, and other forms of gender-based violence against women journalists underscores that such abuse is sustained not only by individual perpetrators, but also by institutional weakness and digital environments that fail to provide adequate protection or remedy. With support from UNESCO-IPDC, these efforts are helping to bridge the gap between documenting abuse and securing meaningful redress. Raylenne is a communications and programs professional with over 7 years’ experience working at the intersection of media, gender, technology
From Research to Radio: How Connected Voices Became a Six-Part Podcast Season
By Lenser Loise If you had asked me during our first podcast production coaching session with Irene Mbaya from DW Akademie what my vision for the project was, I probably would not have said that we would go on to produce and publish a complete six-part podcast season. But that is exactly what we did. So how did we get here? The idea for the Connected Voices Podcast grew out of research led by the International Association of Women in Radio and Television (IAWRT) and the Association for Progressive Communications (APC) on community networks. As a team, we realized the findings needed to go beyond a research report. We needed a way to share them with the communities from which the information had been gathered and create a space they could use to explore the issues raised in their own voices. Photo: Irene Mbaya and Lenser Loise at the Tanda Community Network during the first podcast coaching session. The research findings made it clear that communities such as Kibera experience gaps in connectivity, affordability, and digital access, shaping how they access information and participate in the digital world. We wanted to explore not only how communities are connecting, but also what happens when they have the tools and spaces to create and share content that reflects their own realities. A podcast felt, and our first day of coaching became a turning point. We went through the fundamentals of podcast production and, more importantly, began connecting the dots as a team. Each partner brought a different part of the puzzle. IAWRT was closely involved in the production itself, from sound, editing and hosting to the logistics that kept the team moving. Tanda Community Network brought the community perspective. Working directly within Kibera, the team understood the context and helped shape the content, refine the scripts, advise on guests, ensure different voices were captured and provide the space where the podcast was recorded and produced. DW Akademie brought the technical media expertise, coaching and mentorship that helped us strengthen our production skills and provided quality assurance along the way. Photo: IAWRT and Tanda Community Network teams during the first meet-up. We tried to create a work plan, a timetable and a structure for the production process. But as the work progressed, one thing became increasingly clear: no plan would work unless we were willing to be flexible and support one another. Podcast production was not a straight line we had bumps, changes and unexpected challenges along the way. When the Equipment Arrived The equipment arrived around Christmas, which meant our festive season suddenly included checking deliveries, unpacking items and making sure we had everything we needed. At the time, we had envisioned recording the podcast in a natural community setting. The idea was to capture the environment and authenticity of the communities we were documenting. Our first attempt, however, did not go as planned. Kibera has its own soundtrack: people, movement, businesses, traffic and everything else that makes a neighbourhood alive. While that atmosphere was important to the story we wanted to tell, it was not ideal for producing clean, professional audio. Still, the team knew Kibera had to remain our recording site. We did not want to move the podcast away from the community simply because the environment presented a technical challenge. We upgraded the mixer, improved the microphones and began thinking creatively about the tools already available to us. One of them was Colmena, software designed to support recording in challenging conditions. Colmena is an offline-first, mobile-friendly, open-source media toolbox designed for local and community content production. For us, its value became particularly clear in a setting where access to professional recording equipment and reliable internet could be limited. It helped reduce the busy background noise and echo, which made editing our dry run much smoother. At that point, we realised we did not need to change the environment. Eventually, we created a makeshift studio inside the premises of one of our partners, Tanda, right in the heart of Kibera. And suddenly, everything clicked. It was not a fancy studio, and it did not need to be. Bringing More Voices into the Conversation Not every guest could make it to Kibera. On some days, we brought guests into the studio, set up microphones and recorded the conversations face-to-face. On other days, distance made that impossible, so we used Zoom to bring guests into the conversation and recorded the calls directly through the mixer. Through the six episodes, we explored different parts of this ecosystem. We started by unpacking what community networks are and why they matter for digital inclusion in Kenya, before looking at local content and the tools communities can use to create and share it. We explored technologies such as Colmena, the role of community radio and partnerships in strengthening local content, and finally the policy and regulatory environment shaping community networks in Kenya. We also engaged stakeholders working in communication and connectivity, as well as people behind community radio stations and other platforms through which communities share their own stories. Beyond the Usual Voices We wanted the podcast to go beyond the obvious voices. The goal was to bring different perspectives into the same conversation and create space for people who are often discussed in policy and research spaces to speak for themselves. One reflection from our fourth episode captured why these conversations matter. Henix Obuchunju, News Editor at Pamoja Radio, observed, “Traditional media is shrinking, it is really shrinking.” His observation brought us back to one of the questions running through the series: as the media landscape changes, how can community networks and community radio continue creating spaces for people to produce, access and share information? Photo: A snapshot of the six-part podcast series as displayed on one of the distribution platform. By April 2026, Episode Six of Connected Voices had aired, marking the completion of the season we had set out to produce. What started with research and a podcast coaching session became six conversations
Mapping The Danger: IAWRT Kenya’s Digital Tool For Protecting Women Journalists
Photo: Kenya Correspondents Association’s William Oloo Janak sets the stage for discussions on collaborative strategies among media support organisations on election preparedness and safety at a recent meeting in Nairobi. By Nelly M. Nyangorora NAIROBI — Concerns about journalist safety and press freedom are intensifying in Kenya as political tensions rise ahead of the election. At a roundtable convened by the Supporting African Future Investigative and Responsible Journalism (SAFIRI) consortium, media support groups in Kenya discussed collaborative strategies to strengthen journalist protection and support a safer environment for election coverage. The SAFIRI Consortium, which promotes ethical and responsible journalism, brought together the International Association of Women in Radio and Television (IAWRT), the Media Council of Kenya (MCK), the Kenya Correspondents Association, AMWIK, Journalists for Human Rights, Africa Uncensored, and other groups to explore ways to help ensure election coverage takes place in a safe and free environment. Safety, information integrity, legal support and literacy, early warning, election reporting skills, and psychosocial support were the forum’s main focus areas. Partners from Free Press Unlimited and Aspen, a global nonprofit focused on democracy, leadership, technology, and social change, also attended. There were calls to link accreditation with insurance cover and to ensure media houses take greater responsibility for journalists accredited and deployed to cover high-risk assignments. MCK said journalists accredited by media houses to cover the election must have insurance. “The policy requiring a protection plan for all journalists deployed to high-risk areas is in place. Journalists assigned to such areas should ensure it is implemented,” said Rebecca Mutiso, MCK’s acting manager for press freedom and advocacy. The organisations discussed their individual strengths and how these could be leveraged to build protection and resilience mechanisms that enhance journalists’ safety. IAWRT Kenya’s violations-mapping tool addresses the critical issue of safety by helping document violations, map risks, anticipate attacks, and serve as an early warning system. IAWRT is working with women journalists, law enforcement officers from Kenya, Uganda, Nigeria, Zambia, Cameroon, and other countries, as well as the Pan African Lawyers Union (PALU), to turn documentation of violations into coordinated early warning, rapid response, and long-term protection. As the election cycle beckons, reports indicate rising threats to journalists. Amnesty International’s May report points to a growing pattern of harassment, obstruction, and physical attacks against journalists covering political and public events between February and May 2026. The violence during the July 2026 election in Ol Kalou further suggests that the environment remains volatile. Journalists were among those targeted during the electoral process, with at least 10 reportedly attacked by armed groups. In 2023, demonstrations in Kisumu saw more than 25 journalists assaulted or robbed of equipment, an early warning indicator for the 2027 election. Kenya Correspondents Association’s Oloo Janak said all indications suggest the election will be volatile. “We can clearly see from reports how challenging the reporting environment is. The rhetoric from politicians is dominated by slogans rather than issue-based conversations. Journalists who have never covered an election are likely to be deployed to report on these polls amid emerging challenges. We need strategies in our different spaces to address information integrity and the safety of journalists,” he said. The election date is already contested and mired in confusion following a 7 August 2026 court ruling in Malindi. The ruling raised a constitutional question over whether the election cycle should have been concluded by 11 August 2026, even as the IEBC has formally confirmed 10th August 2027 and included it in its election operations plan. Justice Mugure Thande, however, suspended the declaration’s effect until after the polls to allow time for appeals and avoid disruption. This context already presents an information integrity challenge and creates uncertainty, particularly around the outcome of the appeal and the response of political parties, candidates, and voters. These scenarios create a difficult reporting environment for journalists covering the election. The atmosphere is already politically charged, increasing the risk of misinterpretation, speculation, and disinformation spreading quickly. By all indications, the 2027 polls are likely to test the media’s resilience, making coordinated prevention and response measures across the sector an urgent priority. These circumstances show why election preparations must begin well before polling day. Monitoring violations in real time The platform, accessible at report.iawrt.or.ke, is a real-time monitoring and reporting tool developed in partnership with UNESCO’s International Programme for the Development of Communication (IPDC). It was built by the Kenya ICT Action Network (KICTANet) using Ushahidi’s crowdsourcing technology. Launched in August 2025 as the second phase of a multi-year initiative, the platform allows journalists and witnesses to log incidents, tag locations, categorise threats from harassment and censorship to physical and sexual violence, and attach supporting evidence. IAWRT’s monitoring tool is framed around seven strategic pillars for a safe reporting environment: institutionalising safety mechanisms, investing in digital resilience, building rapid response networks, strengthening inter-agency coordination, countering gendered disinformation, reforming legal frameworks, and changing norms through solidarity. IAWRT has been training women journalists across all 47 counties in digital safety and AI verification. By March 2026, about 50 women journalists had received the training through a partnership with the Google News Initiative. PALU’s Kenyan representative, Lawyer William Oketch, says the observatory tool is essential as it provides documentation for legal action, calling for greater awareness of its existence and urging journalists whose rights have been violated to allow litigation. “Female journalists are reluctant to pursue litigation due to subtle coercion, intimidation, and discouragement from their own employers, a gross act of impunity by employers”, he said in a statement. As Kenya moves toward another high-stakes election, the mapping platform offers more than a record of violations: it gives media support organisations a shared evidence base to spot emerging threats, coordinate rapid responses, and strengthen protections for women journalists before risks escalate on the campaign trail and at the polls. Nelly Moraa Nyangorora is an independent editor, journalist, and Ethics and Responsible AI (ERAI) Fellow with more than 28 years of experience in journalism, communications, and public policy. She is a former Chief
Mapping The Invisible Frontline: My Personal Journey Tracking Female Journalists Under Siege
By Everline Wanja Muriithi When we first set out to map press freedom violations across Africa, I did not fully anticipate how personal the work would become. The process of reviewing case files, verifying incident reports, and placing pins across East, West, Southern, and Central Africa was not just about statistics; these were women whose lives were on the line! Behind every data point was a woman: an investigative reporter, a radio broadcaster, a photojournalist, or a digital creator, taking real risks to inform the public. Each marker was a reminder of the ever-increasing threats, representing not only an attack on the press but also a threat to someone’s livelihood, safety, dignity, and psychological well-being During the last phase of the mapping, I focused on the specific vulnerabilities women journalists face in their daily work. These violations are not always the same as general attacks on the press. For women in media, the threats often come from two directions at once: intimidation in the field and abuse online. As I documented incidents involving arbitrary detention, tear gas during protests, coordinated doxxing, and smear campaigns, the essence of documentation dawned on me; without a record, these cases become easily dismissed, minimized, or forgotten. Some of the cases that stayed with me involved women reporters who were detained, harassed, or threatened while investigating sensitive state operations and conflict-affected areas. A chilling one was the case of Mali’s Mariam Cisse, who was abducted on November 7th, 2025, and publicly executed the following day by suspected jihadist rebels in Northern Mali. She was targeted after posting videos on TikTok expressing support for the Malian Military. They accused her of being a spy for the national military, seized her while live streaming at a local market in Tonka, and killed her before a crowd. Another experience that also demonstrates the volatile environment women journalists are exposed to is one in Ethiopia involving Sheger FM journalists, Radio Editor Tigist Zerihun, and her reporter They were detained for three weeks before being released on bail. Shegher FM 102.1 is Ethiopia’s first private radio station founded by a veteran female journalist, Meaza Birru. Editor Tigist at the station was arrested by Ethiopian police on the 3rd September 2025, at her home in Addis Ababa after they raided her newsroom, also arresting reporter Mintamir Tsegaw and head of news Eshete Assefa. They were accused of airing a report that was deemed an attack on the government. The report that had been aired on the 29th of August 2025 was about demands for improved pay and conditions by health professionals. According to the Ethiopian Media Authority, this report constituted incitement to violence. They were detained and charged with allegations of terrorism; the Supreme Court ordered their release, rejecting the police appeal to detain them. These accounts demonstrate the lethal lawlessness women face from violent extremists who regard female digital voices as a security threat. The Ethiopian journalists highlight a subtle institutionalized violence. The state utilizes legal mechanisms, terrorism allegations, and arbitrary detentions to systematically attack the spaces where independent women journalists operate. Mapping these cases pushes these incidents beyond the numbers and forces us to recognize the resilience of women who continue reporting despite the cost. As we continue to update the map for 2026, my commitment is stronger than ever. I am ready to return to the field data, track emerging cases, verify new reports, and keep these cases on the women journalists who continue to work under pressure visible. Their stories must remain documented and difficult to discount! Everlyne Wanja Muriithi is a Communications and International Relations professional currently working in Growth. She is a key contributor to the regional mapping project, documenting the safety and experiences of female journalists across Africa.
Women Journalists Under Threat In East Africa
By Caroline Gachacha Reporting Violations Matters Recent incidents in Kenya and Sudan demonstrate the continuing risks faced by women journalists and the importance of documenting violations against media workers. The cases range from harassment, intimidation, arbitrary detention, restricted media access, and interference with journalists while covering public events in Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania to the detention and disappearance of women journalists in Sudan, Ethiopia, Congo, Burundi, and across Africa. For organizations working to protect journalists, documenting each incident is important not only to establish what happened, but also to identify patterns, pursue accountability, and ensure that cases do not disappear without follow-up. Concerns over the Safety of Women Journalists The safety of women journalists is a rising concern that directly infringes on press freedom. In Uganda, women journalists find themselves in quite a restrictive environment, facing threats that escalate significantly during election cycles and around political events. The high-profile incident involving Susan Nsibirwa, managing director of Nation Media Group Uganda, where she has continually faced intimidation, points to the gendered hazards women executives in media face while steering their organisations through political crises/events. Uganda’s Chief of Defence Forces (CDF), General Muhoozi Kainerugaba, ordered the NTV Uganda shut down. The military surrounded the station, forcing NTV Uganda, Spark TV, the Daily Monitor, and KFM radio off the air. General Muhoozi targeted Nsibirwa on X, referring to her as a “small girl” who needed to be disciplined, calling for her arrest on sight. NTV Journalist Margaret Kimathi was recently accosted by police while covering Saba Saba protests. She was physically harassed and forced to delete footage while filming barricades at Allsops in Nairobi, and her equipment was confiscated briefly. From her Facebook post, she narrated her ordeal under the officers who described her as a novice. Another case was that of sports journalist and Sports Eye Media founder Ruckiel Odikor, popularly known as Rix. According to NTV Kenya, Odikor was forcibly removed from Nyayo National Stadium on 15 February 2026 while covering the HSBC SVNS 2 rugby tournament. CCTV footage showed security personnel escorting her from the stadium. NTV reported that Odikor had covered the same section of the stadium the previous day without incident. The Sports Journalists Association of Kenya (SJAK) condemned what it described as the physical handling and intimidation of a member. SJAK said it had engaged Odikor, the event organisers, the Kenya Rugby Union (KRU) and relevant security agencies to establish the facts and safeguard the journalist. KRU subsequently said the confrontation occurred after Odikor allegedly entered a restricted area near the track and medical zone without the required accreditation clearance. At the same time, the union said it did not condone excessive force and said it was investigating the incident and reviewing stadium security procedures. The Kenya Editors’ Guild (KEG) also condemned the incident and called for an investigation, public disclosure of the findings, appropriate disciplinary action against those responsible and clearer safeguards for journalists covering sporting events. Sudan: Detention and Disappearance of Women Journalists The situation in Sudan is considerably difficult. According to the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) detained Nyala State Radio journalists Mawaheb Ibrahim, Zahraa Muhammad Al-,Hassan and presenter Ishraqah Abdulrahman in Nyala, South Darfur, on 28 February 2026. CPJ reported that the three women were transferred to Korea prison and were being held without formal charges or being brought before a court. The Sudanese Journalists Syndicate (SJS) separately raised concerns about the arbitrary detention and enforced disappearance of journalists in Sudan. In March, the syndicate said it had documented cases involving journalists in Khartoum, Darfur, and Sennar, including the detention of women journalists in Nyala and their transfer to Korea prison. Latest update on the three Nyala journalists There has since been a significant development. On 30 July 2026, CPJ renewed its call for the immediate release of Ishraqah Abdulrahman, Zahraa Muhammad Al-Hassan,-Hassan and Mawaheb Ibrahim, saying their health had reportedly deteriorated during their detention. CPJ said a member of the Sudanese Journalists Syndicate, speaking anonymously because of fear of reprisals, told the organisation that families had received information from women recently released from detention. According to that account, the three journalists had lost significant amounts of weight and were suffering from fever and other untreated health complications because of a lack of medical care. CPJ said it contacted the RSF through its website but did not receive a response. No public response from the RSF addressing the specific allegations about the journalists’ health or confirming their release was identified in the sources reviewed as of 12 August 2026. There was also a broader development concerning Korea Prison in Nyala. Darfur24 reported on 9 June that more than 27 female detainees had been released following a review of detention cases involving representatives of the judiciary, prosecution, police, RSF intelligence, and the RSF legal advisory office. However, the report specifically said that the whereabouts of five female journalists and activists arrested in connection with a women’s workshop remained unknown, including Ishraqah Abdulrahman, Zahraa Muhammad Al-Hassan and Mawaheb Ibrahim. This means the article should not state simply that all women detained at Korea Prison were released. The evidence indicates that some detainees were released, while the three journalists remained a matter of concern. In Tanzania, the Committee to Protect Journalists and other human rights reports indicate similar threats. In January 2025, prominent Tanzanian journalist Maria Sarungi Tsehai was abducted in Kenya in a cross-border surveillance operation. CPJ’s Africa Program Coordinator Muthoki Mumo described the incident, expressing fear that Kenya, previously regarded as a safe haven, was becoming hostile to those with dissenting opinions. “ Authorities in Kenya must ensure those responsible for Maria Sarungi’s abduction are held accountable,” she said. Sarungi publishes commentary on Tanzania politics on her social media platforms. She fled Tanzania in 2023 following threats of arrest and the banning of her media outlet. Tanzania October 2025 election, according to the Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa CIPESA May 2026 report, witnessed
Kenya’s AI Future Must Be Inclusive
By Nelly M. Nyangorora Public consultations on Kenya’s draft Artificial Intelligence and Emerging. Technologies Policy end this week. Before us is a document that many experts have described as impressive. It envisions sovereign data centres, green compute zones and a National AI Council to regulate frontier technologies. It speaks the language of risk-based governance, digital sovereignty and ethical innovation. But as media professionals who have spent decades amplifying voices that rarely reach the national frequency, we at the International Association of Women in Radio and Television (IAWRT) submitted our reflections with one question in mind: who gets to speak in Kenya’s AI future, and in what language? The draft policy emphasises domestic compute infrastructure, sovereign cloud arrangements and local data hosting, with the stated aim of building systems that serve Kenyans. Yet on language accessibility, it adopts a non-committal tone. It proposes to “promote” the inclusion of local languages, equitable access and participatory design. In policy and legislative grammar, “promote” is the diplomatic cousin of “hopefully”: it signals intention without obligation. In a country where English and Kiswahili dominate official discourse while more than 40 indigenous languages carry the daily weight of commerce, culture and community aspiration, “promote” without enforcement becomes another word for exclusion. The Constitution of Kenya recognises indigenous languages and Kenya Sign Language as part of our national heritage. Broadcasters, especially on radio, have long understood that reaching rural audiences requires speaking in Ekegusii, Dholuo, Borana or Kikuyu, not just standard Kiswahili. The AI policy that will govern automated public services, diagnostic tools and educational platforms must treat language as a right to be protected, not a feature to be added later. If a farmer in Bungoma cannot query an AI-enabled agricultural extension service in her mother tongue, the algorithm is not serving her. If a deaf or hard-of-hearing person cannot access government services because a health chatbot excludes Kenya Sign Language, the system is not merely inconvenient; it is discriminatory. If county governments are expected to deploy AI tools but are given no mandate to align them with the linguistic realities of their constituents, devolution becomes a mirage. Globally, jurisdictions embracing AI governance are moving from voluntary guidance to mandatory multilingualism. They are treating language as a foundational design requirement. According to India’s Press Information Bureau, Bhashini, a public digital infrastructure launched under the National Language Translation Mission, hosts more than 350 AI language models covering 22 scheduled languages, while the Project Vaani initiative is extending coverage to 59 languages and dialects through open datasets and open APIs. There, multilingualism is the default, enabling speech-to-text, translation and conversational AI in languages such as Tamil, Bengali and Punjabi. It demonstrates that low-resource languages can be served at scale when the state treats them as strategic infrastructure. The draft policy is also silent on whose knowledge qualifies as data. Indigenous oral histories, community-held linguistic archives and culturally specific ways of knowing do not always fit neatly into conventional data protection frameworks designed around individual consent. When a language spoken by a few thousand elders is extracted to train a commercial AI model without communal consent or benefit sharing, the practice is not ethical. Kenya needs safeguards that recognise indigenous language data as communal heritage, governed by free, prior and informed consent, not treated as raw input for model training. We, as women in media, also ask: who is in the room when AI governance decisions are made? The proposed National AI Council includes seats for industry, academia and generic civil society representation. But technologies that shape information access, automated hiring, credit scoring and content moderation require voices that understand how these systems can disadvantage women, persons with disabilities and minority communities. AI learns from biased data and is deployed by institutions with blind spots. The draft policy must not replicate existing inequalities. Women must be deliberately included at the AI decision-making table, and gender-disaggregated impact assessments must be required. As the Ministry of Information, Communications and the Digital Economy moves from consultation to drafting, we urge it to consider the fundamentals captured in IAWRT’s submissions: mandate, rather than merely encourage, multilingual accessibility in all publicly funded AI systems; set clear enforcement timelines; recognise Kenya Sign Language in public-facing digital services; empower counties to align AI deployment with local linguistic realities; protect communal data sovereignty; make indigenous language communities stewards of their linguistic heritage; and diversify the National AI Council to include linguists, PWD representatives, community media practitioners and gender experts. Kenya is viewed as a regional leader in digital innovation. Africa is looking to us to show that we can build an AI governance model rooted in our context, not a copy-and-paste version of Brussels or Silicon Valley. We need AI systems that a pastoralist in Isiolo can use to access climate information in their language; that a deaf student in Nyeri can use to learn through AI-assisted KSL resources; and that a rural broadcaster in Shinyalu can use without surrendering her community’s voice to proprietary algorithms. At IAWRT Kenya, we will continue to monitor, advocate and amplify, because meaningful connectivity is about being heard. Nelly Moraa Nyangorora is an independent editor, journalist, and Ethics and Responsible AI (ERAI) Fellow with more than 28 years of experience in journalism, communications, and public policy. She is a former Chief Parliamentary Editor at the Kenya Broadcasting Corporation (KBC), where she pioneered live commentary of parliamentary proceedings under Kenya’s Parliamentary Broadcast Unit, building extensive expertise in legislative and policy reporting. She holds a postgraduate qualification in Reporting Climate Change from Università Telematica Internazionale UNINETTUNO, Italy, and writes on the intersection of artificial intelligence, climate, health, governance, and digital rights.
Kenya Media Sector Working Group Demands Greater Protection for Journalists Ahead of 2027 Elections
By Carole Gachacha The Kenya Media Sector Working Group (KMSWG), a coalition of 26 media organizations, has called for urgent measures to protect journalists ahead of the 2027 General Election, warning that increasing attacks against media personnel pose a serious threat to press freedom and democracy. Addressing a press conference in Nairobi, the Secretary-General of the Kenya Union of Journalists, Erick Oduor, expressed concern over what he described as a growing pattern of intimidation, harassment, and violence targeting journalists while carrying out their duties. Oduor said the attacks reflect a blatant disregard for the rule of law and undermine the constitutional rights to freedom of expression and access to information. Oduor said journalists continue to risk their lives to report on elections, governance, human rights, and other matters of public interest, yet many have been assaulted by both police officers and hired gangs. He added that several journalists are still recovering from injuries sustained while covering demonstrations, while others have had their equipment confiscated or destroyed by hostile mobs. The Working Group accused security agencies of failing to adequately protect journalists despite repeated appeals. It also cited Kenya’s decline in the World Press Freedom Index as an indication of the deteriorating environment for media freedom.The coalition called for immediate investigations into attacks on journalists and the prosecution of police officers and other individuals found responsible. It further urged the government to establish a clear framework for the protection of journalists, ensure injured media workers receive prompt medical treatment, and include affected journalists among those eligible for state compensation arising from recent protests. Oduor said the coalition had previously held meetings with senior police commanders, who pledged to improve the safety of journalists but had failed to honour those commitments. He warned that the coalition would announce further action if its demands were not addressed. The Working Group also appealed to media owners to improve the welfare of journalists by providing comprehensive medical insurance, protective gear, and fair remuneration. It proposed a minimum 12 percent salary increase, in line with the President’s directive. The coalition urged political leaders to respect the independence of the media, stressing that journalists should never become collateral damage in political disputes. It also called on regional and international bodies to condemn attacks against journalists and support efforts to safeguard media freedom in Kenya. The Kenya Media Sector Working Group said it has so far submitted the names of four affected journalists for compensation and encouraged other journalists injured while covering the Gen Z protests to come forward and register their claims.